Maximilien Robespierre - Wikipedia. Maximilien Fran. Early during the revolution Robespierre was against war with Austria, and warned of the possibility of a military coup by the Marquis de Lafayette.
Though he was an ardent opponent of the death penalty, Robespierre played an important role in arguing for the execution of King Louis XVI, and the creation of a French Republic. He would campaign for equality of rights and universal male suffrage in France, for price controls on basic food commodities, and successfully advocated for the abolition of slavery in the French colonies. While France was beset by crises including external and civil war, Robespierre became an important figure during the French Revolution's Reign of Terror. He was named as a member of the powerful Committee of Public Safety launched by his political ally Georges Danton, and exerted his influence to suppress the radical left wing H. Robespierre later moved against the more moderate Danton, who was accused of corruption. The terror ended a few months after Robespierre's arrest and execution in July 1. The political figures of the Thermidorian Reaction who rose to power after Robespierre's downfall accused him of being the . Huwelijk Prinses Charlotte was een gewilde huwelijkskandidate. Onder meer George van Saksen dong naar haar hand, maar ook koning Peter V van Portugal, een volle neef van haar. Op deze verbintenis werd zeer aangedrongen door Charlottes nicht, koningin Victoria. Recherchiste pour la t He opposed the dechristianization of France during the French Revolution. His steadfast adherence and defense of the views he expressed earned him the nickname l'Incorruptible (The Incorruptible). It peaked in the 1. French historian Albert Mathiez argued he was an eloquent spokesman for the poor and oppressed, an enemy of royalist intrigues, a vigilant adversary of dishonest and corrupt politicians, a guardian of the French Republic, an intrepid leader of the French Revolutionary government, and a prophet of a socially responsible state. His family has been traced back to the 1. Mariage par procuration de Jean III de Lusignan avec Charlotte de Bourbon Jean III de LusignanPicardy; some of his ancestors in the male line worked as notaries in the village of Carvin near Arras from the beginning of the 1. Maximilien was the oldest of four children and was conceived out of wedlock; his siblings were Charlotte (born 2. January 1. 76. 0). Devastated by his wife's death, Fran. Robespierre studied there until age 2. Upon his graduation, he received a 6. Val d'Ognes family (as Mademoiselle Charlotte du Val d'Ognes by Jacques Louis David); by descent to commandant Hardouin de Grosville (by 1897–1912; sold by him or his son to Wildenstein); His fellow pupils included Camille Desmoulins and Stanislas Fr. He also read Swiss philosophe. Jean- Jacques Rousseau during this time and adopted many of his principles. Robespierre grew intrigued by the idea of a . He especially emulated Rousseau. Robespierre, then 1. Perhaps due to rain, the royal couple remained in their coach throughout the ceremony and promptly left at its completion. Leuwers demonstrates that this event could not take place in 1. Early politics. Robespierre's conception of revolutionary virtue and his program for constructing political sovereignty out of direct democracy came from Rousseau; and, in pursuit of these ideals, he eventually became known during the Jacobin Republic as . The Bishop of Arras, Louis Fran. Although this appointment did not prevent him from practicing at the bar, he soon resigned owing to discomfort in ruling on capital cases arising from his early opposition to the death penalty. During court hearings, he was known often to advocate the ideals of the Enlightenment and argue for the rights of man. He became regarded as one of the best writers and most popular young men of Arras. In December 1. 78. Arras, the meetings of which he attended regularly. In 1. 78. 4, he was awarded a medal from the academy of Metz for his essay on the question of whether the relatives of a condemned criminal should share his disgrace. He and Pierre Louis de Lacretelle, an advocate and journalist in Paris, divided the prize. Many of his subsequent essays were less successful, but Robespierre was compensated for these failures by his popularity in the literary and musical society at Arras, known as the . In its meetings he became acquainted with Lazare Carnot, who would later become his colleague on the Committee of Public Safety. In 1. 78. 8, he took part in a discussion of how the French provincial government should be elected, arguing in his Addresse . It is possible he addressed this issue so that he could have a chance to take part in the proceedings and thus change the policies of the monarchy. King Louis XVI later announced new elections for all provinces, thus allowing Robespierre to run for the position of deputy for the Third Estate. In the assembly of the bailliage, rivalry ran still higher, but Robespierre had begun to make his mark in politics with the Avis aux habitants de la campagne (Arras, 1. With this, he secured the support of the country electors; and, although only thirty, comparatively poor, and lacking patronage, he was elected fifth deputy of the Third Estate of Artois to the Estates- General. When Robespierre arrived at Versailles, he was relatively unknown, but he soon became part of the representative National Assembly which then transformed into the Constituent Assembly. He was a frequent speaker in the Constituent Assembly, voicing many ideas for the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Constitutional Provisions, often with great success. This had consisted originally of the deputies from Brittany only. After the Assembly moved to Paris, the Club began to admit various leaders of the Parisian bourgeoisie to its membership. As time went on, many of the more intelligent artisans and small shopkeepers became members of the club. Among such men, Robespierre found a sympathetic audience. As the wealthier bourgeois of Paris and right- wing deputies seceded from the club of 1. Jacobins, such as Barnave, Duport, Alexandre de Lameth, diminished. When they, alarmed at the progress of the Revolution, founded the club of the Feuillants in 1. Robespierre and his friends, dominated the Jacobin Club. On 1. 5 May 1. 79. Robespierre proposed and carried the motion that no deputy who sat in the Constituent could sit in the succeeding Assembly. The flight on 2. 0 June, and subsequent arrest at Varennes of Louis XVI and his family resulted in Robespierre declaring himself at the Jacobin Club to be . But this stance was not unusual; very few at this point were avowed republicans. In 1. 79. 0 he lived at rue de Saintonge, No. Tuileries. However, after the massacre on the Champ de Mars on 1. July 1. 79. 1, fearing for his safety and in order to be nearer to the Assembly and the Jacobins, he moved to live in the house of Maurice Duplay, a cabinetmaker residing in the Rue Saint- Honor. Robespierre lived there (with two short intervals excepted) until his death. In fact, according to his doctor, Souberbielle, Vilate, a juror on the Revolutionary Tribunal, and his host's youngest daughter (who would later marry Philippe Le Bas of the Committee of General Security), he became engaged to the eldest daughter of his host, . In November, he returned to Paris to take the position of public prosecutor of Paris. Jean- Paul Marat and Robespierre opposed him, because they feared the influence of militarism, which might be turned to the advantage of the reactionary forces. Robespierre was also convinced that the internal stability of the country was more important; this opposition from expected allies irritated the Girondists, and the war became a major point of contention between the factions. Robespierre countered, . The risks of Caesarism were clear, for in wartime the powers of the generals would grow at the expense of ordinary soldiers, and the power of the king and court at the expense of the Assembly. These dangers should not be overlooked, he reminded his listeners, . If they are spineless courtiers, uninterested in doing good yet dangerous when they seek to do harm, they go back to lay their power at their master's feet, and help him to resume arbitrary power on condition they become his chief servants. No one loves armed missionaries.. The Declaration of the Rights of Man.. I am far from claiming that our Revolution will not eventually influence the fate of the world.. But I say that it will not be today. The journal served multiple purposes: countering the influence of the royal court in public policy, defending Robespierre from the accusations of Girondist leaders, and also giving voice to the economic interests of the broader masses in Paris and beyond. While arguing for the welfare of common soldiers, Robespierre urged new promotions to mitigate domination of the officer class by the aristocratic . Paris may have need of help. Robespierre publicly attacked him in scathing terms: . Robespierre and his allies took the benches high at the back of the hall, giving them the label 'the Montagnards', or 'the Mountain'; below them were the 'Man. The Girondists at the Convention accused Robespierre of failing to stop the September Massacres. On 2. 6 September, the Girondist Marc- David Lasource accused Robespierre of wanting to form a dictatorship. Rumours spread that Robespierre, Marat and Danton were plotting to establish a triumvirate. On 2. 9 October, Louvet de Couvrai attacked Robespierre in a speech, possibly written by Madame Roland. On 5 November, Robespierre defended himself, the Jacobin Club and his supporters in and beyond Paris: Upon the Jacobins I exercise, if we are to believe my accusers, a despotism of opinion, which can be regarded as nothing other than the forerunner of dictatorship. Firstly, I do not know what a dictatorship of opinion is, above all in a society of free men.. In fact, this compulsion hardly belongs to the man who enunciates them; it belongs to universal reason and to all men who wish to listen to its voice. It belongs to my colleagues of the Constituent Assembly, to the patriots of the Legislative Assembly, to all citizens who will invariably defend the cause of liberty. Experience has proven, despite Louis XVI and his allies, that the opinion of the Jacobins and of the popular clubs were those of the French Nation; no citizen has made them, and I did nothing other than share in them.
0 Comments
Leave a Reply. |
AuthorWrite something about yourself. No need to be fancy, just an overview. Archives
January 2017
Categories |